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In the absence of finding ways to build bridges that span sectors, power – through narratives, laws, or technologies – will be grabbed by whomever aspires to this. No one organization or influencer or group with power can either solely answer or execute actions toward that desired future state. An even larger question is where do different localities want to go in terms of progress in parallel to what values or norms they want to hold dear? This is a question that spans sectors. We are seeing increasing polarization in open societies, partly as a result of these questions of where we want to go not being considered in ways that can translate to action. … Now, however, our world is much broader than our immediate environment, and this has dangerous side effects, such as challenges in reaching consensus or disputing the relevant facts for a situation.

But native fiends can do the same thing, with more skill, incentive and opportunities.”ĭavid Bray, executive director for the People-Centered Internet Coalition, commented, “The power of narratives is exactly their ability to shape and institutionalize norms and power distribution in our human communities. There’s currently a national panic over Russian trolls.

Paid professional liars can both make websites themselves and work this system better than amateurs. It’s finally getting to be pundit knowledge that there’s a whole system behind which material gets promoted. But that storyline is now going out of fashion. For example, there once was a type of boosterism that talked about how ordinary people could make websites and promoted its very rare cause célèbre success. But no weapons technology to date has inevitably produced democracy over dictatorship (or vice-versa). Seth Finkelstein, programmer, consultant and EFF Pioneer of the Electronic Frontier Award winner, wrote, “Warren Buffett has said, ‘There’s class warfare, all right, but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re winning.’ We can examine how this class warfare changes with advances in technology, analogous to how military warfare has been affected by technology.

Leah Lievrouw, professor of information studies at the University of California-Los Angeles, wrote, “To date, virtually no democratic state or system has sorted out how to deal with this challenge to the fundamental legitimacy of democratic processes, and my guess is that only a deep and destabilizing crisis (perhaps growing out of the rise of authoritarian, ethnic or cultural nationalism) will prompt a serious response.” But the encroachments are overwhelming and accelerating.” In a tiny number of jurisdictions, people have persuaded leaders to push back on the encroachments, such as a partial ban on government use of facial recognition in San Francisco. Meanwhile, the institutions that are supposed to protect liberty – journalism among them – are mostly failing to do so. The re-emergence of public bigotry has nothing to do with technology, except to the extent that bigots use it to promote their malignant goals. But this can only happen in a society that can’t be bothered to protect liberty – or is easily led/stampeded into relinquishing it – and that is happening in more and more of the Western democracies.

These systems will keep every citizen under observation 24 hours a day, seven days a week, monitoring their every action.”ĭan Gillmor, co-founder of the News Co/Lab at Arizona State University’s Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication, and professor of practice in digital media literacy commented, “Governments (and their corporate partners) are broadly using technology to create a surveillance state, and what amounts to law by unaccountable black-box algorithm, far beyond anything Orwell imagined. They serve the goals of those in powerĪn internet pioneer and technology developer and administrator predicted, “My expectation is that by 2030, as much of 75% of the world’s population will be enslaved by artificial intelligence-based surveillance systems developed in China and exported around the world.

Empowering the powerful: Corporate and government agendas generally do not serve democratic goals or achieve democratic outcomes. These worries are organized under seven themes. This section includes comments about problems that were made by all respondents regardless of their answer to the main question about the impact of technology on democracy by 2030. About half of the experts responding to this canvassing said people’s uses of technology will mostly weaken core aspects of democracy and democratic representation, but even those who expressed optimism often voiced concerns.

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